Angelo Paura
I am the U.S. correspondent for Il Messaggero, one of Italy's leading daily newspapers, covering politics, finance, the economy, and the intersection of technology, AI and power. I am based in New York.
Previously, I was Editorial Director at Blasting News, where I led a multinational newsroom, developed fact-checking initiatives, and managed two EU-funded projects on misinformation: Fake News Sicily and Eunomia. Before that, I worked as an analyst and editor at NewsGuard, evaluating the credibility of news outlets across multiple countries. I also collaborated with the NYU Media Lab to develop a newsletter on AI and local news.
My reporting and analysis have appeared in Politico Europe, BBC World Service, ProPublica, MediaShift, Motherboard, BuzzFeed, the International Center for Journalists, the Tow-Knight Center, Il Sole 24 Ore, Il Corriere della Sera and Mediaset-Tgcom24, among others.
I hold a Master's in Engagement Journalism from the Craig Newmark Graduate School of Journalism at CUNY. I am a U.S. and Italian citizen.
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Atacama, stories from the future Ukraine war, former CIA chief Leon Panetta: “Putin will not accept a deal. Kyiv wins if it does not give up territory.”
Published by Il Messaggero
DATE: Saturday December 13 2025
Photo: U.S. Army Europe, Jan. 2013
From New York
“I think the European Union and Ukraine are unified in what the framework should be, and I would hope that that position would be adopted. But I still believe Russia will reject any approach to territory that Ukraine would support.” Leon Panetta is one of the most prominent Italian-Americans in the United States and has been at the center of major events of the past four decades: first as chief of staff in the Clinton administration, then as director of the CIA and Secretary of Defense under Barack Obama, dealing with international crises, the fight against terrorism and the operation that killed Osama bin Laden. Now, at nearly 90 years old, he continues to comment on global politics. The interview took place with Panetta speaking from his office at his institute in Monterey, California.
Secretary Panetta, how do you assess the peace plan for Ukraine that is currently being discussed? Some say Kyiv may have to give up part of its territory.
“I’m not sure what they’re negotiating, to be frank. I mean, at best I see what the press is reporting. But I think in the end it’s up to Ukraine to make the decision as to what should or should not be in a proposed peace plan. I think the European Union and Ukraine are unified in what the framework should be, and I would hope that position would be adopted. But I still believe Russia will reject any approach to territory that Ukraine would support.”
So do you think Ukraine should reject any plan that involves territorial concessions?
“I think Ukraine should say no. I think they should support the position that they have fought for. They’ve earned the right to decide what should be in a peace plan.”
There are also reports that the United States might reopen international markets to Russia and invest in the country.
“I don’t think Russia should be rewarded with any economic benefits based on the invasion that has taken place.”
Donald Trump has repeatedly called for Europe to play a larger role. What is your view?
“I really believe the European countries politically have stepped up and provided leadership, sometimes when the United States has not provided leadership. That’s obviously true with Ukraine. European countries continue to stand up in support of Ukraine. They continue to make clear that Putin cannot succeed in his invasion of Ukraine and that Ukraine has to be able to make decisions that protect its security. In addition, European countries have come together not only to increase their defense spending — which is a good thing — but more importantly they are using their capabilities to support countries like Ukraine. So I really think that in the absence of strong leadership from the United States, Europe has in many ways stepped into the vacuum. And that’s important because European democracies care about rights, freedom and the ability of people to govern themselves. Those are the values the United States has always believed in, and Europe is now a strong voice in support of those values.”
What role can Italy play in this context?
“I think Italy continues to play a very important role. Italy has always been a strong ally and a strong partner, not only in terms of security but also economically. When I was secretary of defense I went to Italy and met with my counterparts, and when I was director of the CIA I also had strong relationships there. We shared information and worked closely together. I think Italy is a very important force, particularly because it understands what is really needed. It’s not just France, Germany or Great Britain — you also need countries like Italy to be partners in that relationship and to play a strong role.”
Do you think Italy could also have influence with the current U.S. administration?
“It seems that the president likes the prime minister in Italy and seems to respect her leadership. I think she probably has some additional leverage right now in trying to convince the United States why it’s important to be strong on Ukraine.”
As a former CIA director and secretary of defense, what worries you most today?
“I am frankly concerned about dysfunction in our democracy right now. When our democracy doesn’t work — when both parties are not working together to protect our security or deal with the problems we face — that sends a terrible message to the world. If we cannot keep our democracy strong here at home, then I think it undermines our security not only in the United States but in the world.”
The United States has also reduced humanitarian aid to African countries. Could that have consequences?
“It sends a message of weakness to our adversaries — to China, to Kim Jong-un, to the supreme leader in Iran, to Al-Qaeda and to ISIS. When we send a message of weakness, our adversaries take advantage of the vacuum created by the absence of U.S. leadership. China in particular is stepping into that vacuum, increasing its trade, its investments and its military capabilities.”
Speaking of China, some reports suggest the United States could struggle in a potential conflict over Taiwan.
“I’m afraid that because of the focus on the Middle East, on Ukraine and on Venezuela, we are losing sight of the biggest threat to the United States in this century, which is China. China has a strong economy. It is increasingly involved around the world. It is investing to expand its military and spreading its influence through diplomacy and economic assistance. The United States needs to make clear that China cannot invade Taiwan. We need to make clear that the United States would come to the assistance of Taiwan. That must be a red line. That doesn’t mean we cannot have dialogue with China. But the best way to have dialogue with China is from strength, not from weakness.”
Finally, turning to the Americas: with the crisis in Venezuela and growing Chinese and Russian influence, should the Western Hemisphere become a strategic priority for Washington?
“If the United States wants to protect the security and economy of the Western Hemisphere, it is critical to build strong alliances in Central and Latin America. The problem with Venezuela right now is that the United States is trying to deal with it largely alone. That’s not the way to do business in the world. If we want to deal with security threats anywhere, we have to work with allies. We need strong alliances in Europe, in the Pacific, in the Middle East — and we need the same approach in Central America, in Latin America and in Africa. American leadership means working with strong allies to provide security in the world — not acting alone.”
This interview has been edited and condensed for clarity.
Read the archived version in Italian here.